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Holocaust Remembrance
and Jewish Supremacism, Part 2

Elie Wiesel, pictured left, is no humanitarian: His use of the Holocaust tale is strictly to promote Israel and the Jewish/Zionist agenda. The flyer at right is distributed to increase understanding of far more significant crimes against our own people, crimes which are minimized or covered up by the Jewish media. On today's program, Mr. Strom interviews leading historian Mark Weber on the uses of Holocaust propaganda as an instrument of Jewish power.

An interview with Mark Weber, part 2

American Dissident Voices broadcast
February 5, 2005
by Kevin Alfred Strom

TODAY WE WELCOME BACK the Director of the Institute for Historical Review, Mr. Mark Weber, for the second part of our discussion of "Holocaust Remembrance" and Jewish supremacism.

Mark, it seems that since the 1970s, the 'Holocaust' has actually become an integral facet of Jewish identity, of how they define themselves as a people.

Mark Weber: Right. It's really so much a part of the Jewish mindset that it's going to continue regardless, I think, of any calculations of its utility or how advantageous it is.

Several years ago Abraham Foxman, who is national director of the Anti-Defamation League, wrote this in the ADL's own bulletin, called ADL on the Frontline:

"The Holocaust is something different. It is a singular event. It is not simply one example of genocide but a near successful attempt on the life of God's chosen children and thus, on God Himself. It is an event that is the antithesis of Creation as recorded in the Bible; and like its direct opposite, which is relived weekly with the Sabbath and yearly with Torah, it must be remembered from generation to generation."

What that quote underscores is that the powerful interest that Jews have -- ethnic interests, collective group interests -- are reinforced, and this is unique, with a special religious fervor. The religious views of most other people in the world are essentially universal in nature. Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, and so forth have a universal ethic to them, and the religion is open to everyone. The Jewish religion is not; it's an ethnically based religion. It's based upon what Jews regard a special covenant, or deal, between themselves and God. And having one's ethnic interests and one's religious views harnessed together to the same purpose and the same direction is a very powerful thing. And when Abraham Foxman talks that way, he really thinks that hammering away on the Holocaust almost has a mandate from God.

KAS: Referring to Jewish people being attacked as "an assault on God himself" -- that really doesn't sound like he's saying it for our consumption. It sounds like he really believes that.

MW: That's right. And this was written in the ADL's own bulletin; it's called ADL on the Frontline, in the January 1994 issue.

You know, we are accused a lot of so-called "rewriting history." They say that we rewrite history. That's really absurd. The point of the IHR is to be as truthful and objective about history as possible, and especially about official or dogmatic history. And the Holocaust is one of the very best examples I know of how history is, as it were, rewritten in society at large.

Several years ago, Michael Berenbaum, who was project director at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, and a theology professor at Georgetown University -- himself Jewish -- said this: "The Holocaust was [once] regarded as a side story of the much larger story of World War II. Now one thinks of World War II as a background story and the Holocaust as a foreground story."

KAS: Exactly.

MW: Winston Churchill wrote a four-volume history of the Second World War. Dwight Eisenhower published his own memoir of World War II. Charles de Gaulle, the French leader, also published a memoir of World War II. Nowhere in any of those memoirs -- even the one by Churchill, four volumes, and he was something of a historian -- is there any mention of gas chambers. And there's only fleeting mention, really, of the fate of Jews in Europe during that time.

Today, however, Americans are trained to believe that what happened to Jews in Europe during World War II was practically the central event of that period. It's a typical manifestation of the really collectively self-centered view that many Jews have of history. But what's astonishing is the extent to which this particular Jewish view of history has found acceptance among non-Jews in our society.

You know, it's very normal for any group to commemorate its own dead. But what's perverse is to try to get people who have no connection, or only the most tenuous connection, to feel the kind of empathy that one normally feels for one's own kind. It's kind of like asking other families down the street to feel the same kind of emotion over the sickness or the death of a child as the child's parents do in another unrelated family.

According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, something like 20 million Chinese civilians died during the Second World War. How many Americans know that, or, much less, care? Americans are trained to think almost reflexively about -- and care about -- the so-called "six million Jews" who were slaughtered, they say, during World War II. These same people have not the foggiest idea how many people of any other group, any other nationality, any other collective, died during the Second World War.

KAS: Including their own.

MW: Including their own. And that's simply perverse.

KAS: Revisionism hasn't made a large enough impact on the American psyche. But were you aware that Revisionism was mentioned in what will be tomorrow's editorial in the Tehran Times?

MW: No, I wasn't.

KAS: Would you like me to read you a couple paragraphs?

MW: Yes.

KAS: This is from the Tehran Times editorial for January 26th:

' ...It was not long before a group of revisionist historians in the West began to question the claim that six million Jews were butchered by the Nazis and even asked whether the slaughter of six million Jews during World War Two was possible or not. The revisionist historians have proven in two decades of study that if Hitler had carried out a systematic program to eradicate the Jews, it would have taken more time than the six years that the war lasted. They have also proven that such an act of ethnic cleansing through the use of the poison gas Zyklon-B, as the Zionists claim, was not possible at the time. Norman J. Finkelstein, a Jewish professor at New York University critical of Zionist policies, has called the claim the "Holocaust Industry", which is only meant to boost support for the government of Israel.

'Over the past several decades and since the event was questioned, Zionist propagandists have tried to substantiate this claim through various means. The Zionists are trying to revitalize an issue which has become discredited in the eyes of world public opinion by using the press, radio, television, the Internet, and, most importantly of all, cinema and the great filmmaking industry in Hollywood, since most of the significant players of this influential industry are Jews.

'The issue of the Holocaust and the anniversaries held for the event are only meant to promote the repressive policies of the Zionists. ...The declaration that six million Jews were killed in World War II is an exaggeration of the truth. Furthermore, the suffering and pains of a nation cannot justify their crimes against other nations. The issue of the Holocaust is only being highlighted to cover up Israel's crimes in Palestine.'
http://tinyurl.com/3mt7o

MW: Well, I think it's an amazing editorial for its candor. But it's written by people who already start from the premise that they're not going to be deceived by Jewish propaganda or Zionist propaganda. And when one starts with that assumption, when one looks at history with open eyes, then it's possible to write and think with much greater objectivity.

KAS: They don't have Jewish-controlled media in Iran, of course.

MW: Right, of course. And for their own self-preservation, in fact -- as a country, as a state -- it's necessary to take a stand against Zionist power. Indeed, I think that's increasingly happening all over the world. People are realizing that Zionist interests are fundamentally different than the interests of everyone else -- despite all the efforts to make them seem identical, like the Holocaust campaign that we've witnessed.

The proof that the Holocaust is not looked at objectively, but is manipulated, is propagandized, is the fact that it is the only chapter of history that is protected judicially. In a number of countries -- Germany, Switzerland, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, and several other European countries -- it's a crime to, as they say, "deny" or "whitewash" the Holocaust. Now that's an absurd position, because even statements that are factually true about the Holocaust can land a person in jail or force a person into exile or cause a fine to be imposed.

A good example of that is that several years ago David Irving, at a talk in Munich, made the point that the so-called gas chamber shown to the public at the Auschwitz I main camp is in fact a phony postwar reconstruction. That statement is in fact true, as even the Auschwitz State Museum in Poland now concedes. But David Irving was nevertheless fined -- at first 10,000 marks, and the fine was then increased -- and then he was banned from the country for having made a statement that was in fact factually true.

The fact that this Holocaust story, this dogma, has to be and is protected judicially in this way, is itself evidence that it is not possible in Western society today to look at that chapter of history with the kind of objectivity and sobriety that we ought to employ.

KAS: I think it's an admission that the "Holocaust" claims of the Jewish power structure can't stand that kind of scrutiny. At least it leads you to suspect that is true.

MW: Right. It's just about impossible to make headway, even about very simple things. For example, the "six million" figure is one that just about every serious historian, even Jewish historians, know is an exaggeration. Now, the extent of the exaggeration is a matter of some discussion and dispute. But the "six million: figure is untenable, and I can give many examples of why. But even to state that in our society is to run the risk of ruination of one's career; and, in other countries, to risk imprisonment or fines or being forced into exile.

KAS: Well, if you stated that 20 billion Jews had been killed during World War II, you probably wouldn't have any legal action taken against you.

MW: Right. Well, just to bring it up to the present and make a comparison: There seems to be some evidence that one of the most notorious crimes attributed to Saddam Hussein -- the gassing of Kurds in one particular village -- was either untrue or might have been carried out by Iranians; it's a rather unclear thing. You'll find quite a bit on the Internet about that. But if you say about this alleged atrocity, "I don't think that this is quite the case," nobody thinks that you're denying that Saddam Hussein ever did bad things or that you're defending Saddam Hussein.

The same thing is true when one talks about the American Civil War or the Vietnam War or any other great conflict in history. The Holocaust is the one chapter in history that is treated in this specially-protected, Politically Correct way.

KAS: Even when the numbers aren't questioned, even when the "Jewish Holocaust" is held to be true but placed in a co-equal position with other genocides in history, some Jewish groups get upset. For example, in Illinois, Jewish groups are not happy about a new curriculum which replaces mandatory "Holocaust Studies" with mandatory "Genocide Studies" which mention the killings of non-Jews as well. These Jewish groups say that that "minimizes the Holocaust."

MW: That's an example, again, of the fact that, for Jews, talking about Jewish suffering is not the same thing as talking about the suffering of any other people. When Abe Foxman thinks that killing Jews is like killing God, all fair and rational and reasonable discussion just goes out the window, it's just impossible. And Jewish groups insist on this sort of thing. It's almost as if the word "holocaust" has a little trademark symbol next to it and people should be very careful how they use it.

But this can't go on forever. It's an expression of Jewish power, and the Holocaust will continue to play the role in our society it does as long as that power stays in place. But the distortion of history that's reflected and shown and manifest in the Holocaust campaign is just one part of the problem. We live in a society in which any view other than one that Jewish groups find acceptable, about any chapter of history, is simply not permitted. There are many, many examples of that that I could give. It isn't merely the distortion of this one chapter of history; it's a kind of systematic distortion of our entire history, across the board -- especially here in the United States.

KAS: In Germany, last Friday, there was a little bit of defiance of the Holocaust dogma in the parliament of Saxony, where 12 members of the National Democratic Party (NPD) created a sensation when they walked out during a "moment of silence for Holocaust victims." Then later the same day, one of their members openly referred to what happened to the innocent German people and others in Dresden in 1945 as a "Holocaust of bombs," trespassing on, as you say, the Jewish trademark on that word. Do you think that the members of the NPD are going to face legal troubles for these statements?

MW: It's harder and harder to punish people when they defy this taboo. It's getting harder and harder to uphold it, I think. Just the other week, the leader of the National Front in France made the statement that the occupation of France by Germany during World War II was not so bad, or not so horrific, or not so oppressive, or something like that. And there was talk of him being fined -- and he might be. But it's harder and harder, I think, to keep this up.

As I said, it's really a reflection of Jewish and Zionist power. And as that power comes more and more under scrutiny, then our ability to speak openly about this chapter of history will become greater.

KAS: You were talking earlier about the "Holocaust" ceremonies at the United Nations. There's a report that Kofi Annan referred to the ceremonies as "an important event meant to remember the Jews and others who were murdered at Auschwitz." The Jews are one category, mentioned first, and everybody else is just "others." It's a reflection of the Jewish mindset coming from a non-Jew.

MW: Even that's not acceptable to most Jews. Jews don't like to have the Holocaust even refer to any other group except Jews. What they'll say is that the Holocaust was the murder of Jews -- and whatever happened to anyone else is not the Holocaust. So, Kofi Annan is already crossing the line a bit when he talks that way.

KAS: By the way, Deputy Defense Secretary and leading warmonger for the War in Iraq, Paul Wolfowitz, also spoke at that UN ceremony.

MW: It's pretty amazing. The main speaker at that ceremony was Elie Wiesel.

Elie Wiesel is presented in our society as a "Holocaust survivor" and as a man whose words must be given very special attention. But Elie Wiesel is no humanitarian. He's a man who is a very ardent and one-sided supporter of Israel and of Jewish and Zionist interests. He's refused to condemn Israel, whatever it does, right from the outset. Israel, for him, doesn't come under the same scrutiny.

More to the point, he's presented as this man who has a great love for humanity, even though he wrote himself "Every Jew, somewhere in his being, should set aside a zone of hate -- healthy, virile hate -- for what the German personifies and for what persists in the German. To do otherwise would be a betrayal of the dead."

Now that's an open call for hatred; an open incitement to hatred. He's urging, calling upon, fellow Jews to feel hate against Germans. Now, any German, of course, expressing any sentiment even remotely like that, risks imprisonment or fines or punishment. But Elie Wiesel is treated, in the United Nations and in the United States, as this paragon of morality, a way that's just really perverse.

KAS: In this orgy of perversity that this "Holocaust Memorial Day" (or week or month or year) represents, what can rational, thinking people who have a respect for the truth do to help their fellow citizens refocus and get a little more realistic perspective?

MW: A few weeks ago I got a call from a woman who was worried about the way her children in grade school are inundated with this Holocaust propaganda and she asked "What can I do?"

And I said that the distortion of history in our schools today is so systematic and so bad that to object to this or that particular statement is really an almost impossible task. In fact, the distortion is not so much because this or that statement is untrue as it is because the information is presented very selectively and in a very one-sided way. The important thing, I think, and what we all can do, is keep in mind and tell other people that this campaign is an expression of power. Most people look at the Holocaust exactly the way they're expected to; exactly the way the people who make these films, who make these ceremonies, want them to think. That is, you're supposed to feel guilty; you're supposed to feel very sympathetic to Israel and to Jewish interests. This is exactly what the goal is.

If you keep in mind from the outset that there's an agenda behind it, then you can be alert to it. You'll be better able to counter it and to keep an open mind.

KAS: What is the IHR planning to do this year to bring consciousness of historical truth to more people?

MW: We have some other events on the calendar which I can't really go into now, but I urge everyone who's listening to check out the IHR Web site, ihr.org. The IHR is best known for dealing with the Holocaust story, but we deal with a great number of other issues as well. And there's a virtual library -- a huge amount of information -- on the IHR site and on the sites to which we link. The best antidote I know of to the kind of distortion of history you'll get in high schools, grade schools, and in colleges, is to go through the material on the IHR Web site and related sites in a systematic way. The availability of all this is already an enormous step forward.

KAS: Thank you, Mark, for all the work you're doing. Thank you for the excellent work you do at the IHR, for the events you organize, and for all your wonderful outreach and support on the Zundel case -- for bringing that forward to the world. I appreciate that deeply.

And I also thank you for being a marvelous guest on American Dissident Voices.

MW: Thank you very much, Kevin. It's a pleasure and I wish you well.





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Source: National Vanguard

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