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Jewish Supremacism Exposed:
An Interview With Mark Weber,
Part 2

American Dissident Voices broadcast
April 10, 2004
by Kevin Alfred Strom


Today we continue our interview with Mark Weber, Director of the Institute for Historical Review. We'll look at Ernst Zündel's legacy of freedom and we'll explore the potential positive consequences of Jewish arrogance and miscalculation in this changing world.
KAS: Well, I'll say this: if the Jewish power structure wanted to silence Ernst Zündel, they have utterly failed. Because of their persecution of this gentle man, they've brought his ideas to millions of people who might never have heard of him before.
WEBER: Well, even some people who hate Ernst Zündel have been a little surprised. Here he was, living rather quietly in Tennessee. He was arrested in February and --  especially in the first months after his arrest -- the Zündel case was front-page news in newspapers all across Canada and on national television and radio. I was interviewed for national radio and television in that regard myself, but people had more or less forgotten to some degree about Ernst Zündel. Because he had moved to the United States, he was not really in the headlines very much and suddenly the thing was a big story again.
Since his arrest it's continued to be played up again by those people who insist that this injustice has to be known. Indeed, if he were deported to Germany and held there it could well turn out that that could lead to yet another explosion of activity and interest in the case over in Europe, where the Zündel case is not so well known. Now, of course, that's not something we look forward to or want, but it's similar to what's happening around the world. The more Ariel Sharon tries to stamp out the Palestinians' resistance to the occupation, the more the resistance seems to grow.
KAS: And the more oppression and injustice that the Jewish establishment rains down upon Ernst Zündel's head, the more people will look upon Ernst Zündel's ideas with an open mind.
WEBER: Well, there's also a parallel, too, with the efforts by these same organizations to silence or suppress the Mel Gibson film. That failed, and the film is certainly one of the most successful motion pictures of the time right now. But the anger and fury and hatred against Gibson that came out before and during the film's release and that continues to come out because of the film has actually had the effect of increasing the interest of people who normally would not perhaps have been so interested in it and made them want to see it.
KAS: Well, not only are more people seeing the film, but they're going there with a very sharpened awareness of the Jewish question surrounding the portrayed actions two thousand years ago and their parallels in the modern world.
WEBER: That's quite true, and I think it just shows a tremendous and really crazy misperception to think that because the film was shown it would lead to some sort of violence. The Film's been out now more than a month, and as far as I know, there's not one report of any Jewish person being physically hurt or attacked because of the film. But what has happened -- and even some Jewish writers have noticed this with alarm -- is that millions of people are outraged, not because of what is depicted in the film, but because of the behavior of Jewish groups over the past year in denigrating and trying to suppress it.
KAS: It seems they've gotten precisely the opposite results that they wanted from their campaign.
WEBER: Well, I think it shows just a real miscalculation about the mentality of the people they're dealing with. It's a pattern, as I've said many times, that's repeated over and over again in history. When people get powerful and arrogant they become reckless and they miscalculate and that's what's happening again in this case.
KAS: Well, to me that's encouraging. Can you tell me what you've been doing to bring the Zündel case to a wider audience?
WEBER: Shortly after Ernst was arrested, his wife Ingrid called me -- and she had consulted with Ernst about this as well -- and asked me to deal with what was at that time a flood of requests for interviews and so forth that were coming out, and I readily agreed. I've known Ernst for years; I've testified in a couple of his cases and I've written a lot about him and we've welcomed him as a speaker at our conferences, so I readily agreed. As a result of that, there have been many, many interviews and guest appearances over the past year relating to the Zündel case.
Now, most of them -- and the highest-profile of these -- were in the weeks immediately after his arrest, when this was a big case in Canada, as I mentioned earlier. Over the past year, I've continued to appear on a lot of radio and television shows and have given interviews to print journalists as well, trying to keep up interest in the case. I've been very gratified by how many radio stations -- especially independent ones -- and talk show hosts have picked up on this. Just the other week I did another interview on the Jeff Rense Show, which is broadcast on what I think is called the Talk Radio Network and also online as well. He's a person who reaches mainly a listenership very different than what American Dissident Voices does.
KAS: It's sort of a New-Age type of radio show.
WEBER: It's sort of a New Age thing. He deals with health issues, and lots of alternative views of the world, and culture, and so forth, but he has really picked up the ball on the Zündel case. He says this is an outrage. He's very concerned about the erosion of freedoms in our society, and rightly so.
KAS: Was Mrs. Zündel also a guest on his show?
WEBER: The very first time he did an interview on this story she was on the show, and I was on as well. That was just very shortly after the arrest. But since then she has not been on his show. I've been on, I think, six times now.
KAS: Well, I'm going to have to have you on more often, so he doesn't pass me in the Mark Weber interview department! What does it tell you , Mark, that Mr. Rense is willing to cordially discuss Mr. Zündel and some of his revisionist concepts, and that mainstream station owners who carry his show are happy to have that kind of programming on their airwaves?
WEBER: Well, he has suffered as a result. There have been threats of boycotts and withdrawal of advertising. This is a pretty major show; it has substantial advertising. One of the features of his show, as opposed to American Dissident Voices, is that it's interrupted repeatedly with ads for this, that, and the other thing, but he's determined to stick it out anyway. It reminds me of the company in Florida that rents out billboard space and that came under pressure because of the National Alliance billboard that appeared down there. Now, again, Rense is a little more independent than others, so he can afford to stick his neck out a little further than some other people might, but there'll be more people like this, I'm sure, in the years ahead.
KAS: So you think we are seeing something of a loosening of Jewish-enforced political correctness?
WEBER: I think that's happening all over the world. America is the great bastion of Jewish power. And I've repeatedly referred to it, but as the Prime Minister of Malaysia said in October, Jews are so powerful that they're practically able to rule the world through proxy -- especially through the United States -- and to get other people to fight and die and kill for them. Now, perhaps it's overstated, but the central truth of what he said is, I think, more and more apparent to everyone. America is the country where it's going to be most difficult, because this is the great bastion of Jewish power. A few weeks ago I slipped in with someone else to an AIPAC meeting -- the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. It was at a large synagogue in Newport Beach and it was publicly announced. It wasn't restricted to Jews, although there were very, very few non-Jews there. There were maybe 900 -- that's what they said, 800 or 900 -- Jews from the Newport Beach area of California. This is a very wealthy area and this was at a large synagogue. One of the main speakers was the congressman for the area, Chris Cox, who gave a sort of report on what he's doing to help their interests. It's very useful to come to a meeting like that, because what it does is reinforce our awareness. You may know this and I may know this, but it's hard for most non-Jews to realize just how determined, how focused Jews are in the United States to support their interests.
I mean, this was in a synagogue, but it certainly didn't have anything to do with God, or with religion in the sense that most people think of it; this was a meeting about power and how to hold onto it. One of the points that was made over and over in this -- really, really -- is that the United States is the last country in the world, really, that supports Israel. This is the bastion; it's the only real bastion of support left. The point that was made is that, for that reason, it's all the more important to give money to AIPAC, which is the central Jewish lobbying institution -- it's a pro-Israel lobbying institution in Washington D.C. -- in order to keep U.S. Congressmen herded inside the corral and make sure they don't cause any trouble, because without that support Israel is really doomed.
This is a country whose days would be numbered without the constant, continual influx of support and money and weaponry and diplomatic support from the United States, and this was a major theme of the meeting. It's really remarkable -- especially for non-Jews -- to ever even read about meetings like that, because I think they sort of think that a synagogue is something like a church and that people who go there are praying for world peace, or perhaps they're praying because somebody's going to have an operation, or else they're praying to lead good lives. Well, at this synagogue there wasn't anything about that. This was all about power and group interests and that was the whole point. And when one group is that determined and that focused, it's much, much easier for it when everyone else is just sort of worrying about their own, individual private concerns.
KAS: Were you allowed to introduce yourself and ask a few questions?
WEBER: (laughs) I was hoping that nobody would recognize me because there could have been a little embarrassment there if I had been recognized. There were a few non-Jews, but overwhelmingly -- I'd say 98% -- were Jews; it was a Jewish meeting. It wasn't a private meeting; it was announced in the newspaper before I went. I was mainly interested to see how the congressman would speak to these people. I didn't realize how extensive a meeting it would be.
KAS: Well, very interesting analysis. Perhaps you're going to write something about the meeting?
WEBER: Well, I think I will. I've already written up something about it and I'll probably fine-tune it and send it out.
KAS: In last week's Toronto Star we saw an editorial by a Jewish attorney, Alan Young, which might be viewed as the polar opposite of the editorial you mentioned in the Globe and Mail. First, Young invokes the National Alliance, William Pierce, Jim Keegstra, and Ernst Zündel as examples of "haters," and then he goes on to openly advocate torture and Clockwork Orange-style mental reprogramming for haters. If you'll allow me, just let me quote a portion of this incredible editorial and then I'll ask for your comments on it. This is Alan Young, Jewish attorney:
"It is bizarre that criminal justice officials try to do more to change the belief and behavior of johns charged with prostitution than they do with the Ernst Zündels and Jim Keegstras of the world. Just as some cancers require invasive surgery, the hate crime needs intrusive measures. The usual 'out of sight, out of mind' approach to modern punishment just won't work in this case. For crimes of extreme stupidity we need Clockwork Orange justice, strapping the hate criminal into a chair for an interminable period and keeping his eyes wide open with metal clamps so he cannot escape from an onslaught of cinematic imagery carefully designed to break his neurotic attachment to self-induced intellectual impairment. In the context of hate crime, I do have some regrets that we have a constitutional prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. I don't think coercive persuasion or deprogramming is necessarily cruel, but as a state sanction it is unusual. However, if the crime is unique, the sanctions should be also. Simply dishing out more prison time or a larger fine is a dead end. We need a punishment that can kick-start a brain."
What do you have to say to that, Mark?
WEBER: Well, I think this is very valuable, and again, people ought to remember this. This shows the kind of mentality that people like Alan Young and Jewish leaders generally have with regard to non-Jews. They view non-Jews as essentially sort of stupid and as people who have to be guided along because they might start getting the wrong idea. Something like that mentality is already operating in society -- not in the narrow sense that he speaks of it -- but in the constant reiteration in our society of this holocaust story, which is designed to do the same thing -- that is, make non-Jews believe that whatever Jews want should be approved because they're so altruistic and noble and innocent and defenseless that saying no to anything that Jewish groups want is just almost a crime, it's a terrible thing. And Americans are fed an enormous amount of propaganda to bolster that image.
But it shows something else, too. It shows that those people who oppose Jewish power and Jewish intrigues are regarded as just mentally sick. Now, this gets to a real central question, and one that people have tried to deal with throughout the ages. Why does this perpetual thing called the Jewish question keep recurring? Or, to put it another way, why does anti-Semitism exist? Of course, it's a stupid term, it's a misnomer, but why does this phenomenon exist?
Now, Elie Wiesel's explanation for it is that it's just a mystery. It's like some virus in the air -- a bug that somehow people get for no good reason and suddenly there's this big problem. Well, that's just absurd. It's a complete negation of reality, of how human beings act, and of how history is. To his credit -- and I've cited this -- Theordor Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism, deals with this question in his book The Jewish State, which is the seminal, central manifesto, you might say, of modern Zionism. He says that anti-Semitism exists as a perfectly understandable and natural reaction of non-Jews to the fact that Jews in the societies in which they live regard themselves as a separate people, and yet they push interests that are contrary to those of the people among whom they live. And he says it's absolutely understandable that non-Jews are going to be infuriated and angry about this eventually.
KAS: That's common sense.
WEBER: That's just common sense. So Herzl's solution to this problem is for Jews to give up living among non-Jews and go live in a separate country of their own and become what he calls "a normal people." Well, it hasn't worked that way, but that's his solution. The point is that at least he makes some rational, sensible analysis of this problem. For Alan Young, this Jewish attorney you're quoting, this is just inexplicable because he's unable --  completely unable -- to see things from the point of view of non-Jews. Why should the Jews be surprised, for example, if Frenchmen want to keep France as French as Jews want to keep Israel Jewish? It's a perfectly understandable phenomenon that Japanese want to keep Japan Japanese, French want to keep France French, and so forth. Wherever people have some loyalties to their heritage and their culture, that's perfectly understandable. Of course, Jews insist upon it for themselves, but they seem incapable of understanding that non-Jews can have exactly the same sentiments and feelings, and that they don't like it when a group that's not of their own kind come in and take huge amounts of power and push the cultural and political agenda of this society in a way that's contrary to feelings and interests of the people.
KAS: I was just astounded in the editorial by his attitude that those who disagree, who have a different point of view, are to be treated in an inhumane way; they're going to be tortured until they submit, until they change their minds. It's just astounding to me.
WEBER: Yes, it is. It's astonishing. Now, this phenomenon is explored in some detail by Professor Kevin McDonald in the three books that he's written on Judaism and Jewish behavior throughout history. And he talks in there over and over of a kind of myopia, a misperception the Jews have about not only themselves and their relationship to non-Jews, but about how non-Jews are as well. And we see this over and over in a kind of overreaching and arrogance, and we're seeing it again now around the world.
One of the things that's just bizarre and very difficult, I think, for non-Jews to understand is that -- and you see this in the Old Testament and in Jewish movies and books and so forth -- Jews regard the tremendous hostility toward them that has erupted time and time again in the past not as any reflection of anything bad on their part, but in fact as a confirmation of how good they are. You see this in the Old Testament. It's in the book of Genesis in talking about the Jews in Egypt; you find it in the book of Esther about the Jews in Babylon.
Persecution is just further evidence for many Jews of Jewish nobility and chosenness and greatness. Now, many other people would just step back and say, "Well, maybe there's some relationship between the way Jews act and what people think of Jews." But for Jews -- in overwhelming numbers -- this isn't how they look at it. There's almost a kind of perverse pride in looking at what happens and saying "Well, they hate us," because that hatred is regarded as a kind of badge of distinction or a badge of honor.
KAS: What do you think of the idea that the climax, the peak of Jewish power sometimes precedes an awakening of people to that power?
WEBER: Well, there was a time when I thought that the apex -- the high point -- had already been reached. I thought it was perhaps even back about twenty, thirty years ago, when Nixon was president, during the 1973 war. But I've been amazed that just when I thought it couldn't get any worse, it continues to go that way. And it's now increasingly obvious, I think, that the American government is willing more and more blatantly than ever to betray and jeopardize not only the interests of humanity, but also American interests in this mad alliance with Israel. You see this just more and more vividly with each passing week. Increasingly it's clear to the world -- and should be more clear to Americans -- that the United States and Israel are virtually alone; there's no real strong support for this crazy alliance. When American politicians say they're committed to Israel -- that they're going to guarantee Israel's existence -- Americans should pay close attention, because the implications of this are that they'll spend just countless billions of dollars and expend many, many more American lives for this crazy alliance. That's more and more obvious, so I've been surprised that it's been pushed this far.
KAS: Which way are we going in this country? Is Jewish arrogance going to have even more of a field day with the Constitution than it already has, trashing our rights, jailing dissidents, or have the Jews overplayed their hand?
WEBER: Well, that's hard to say, but there was an amazing piece just the other day in the Los Angeles Times analyzing how Rumsfeld is making plans for a military government in the United States to take over in case of a big terrorist attack that would supposedly paralyze our political structure. That's a dangerous
thing, and I remember William Pierce predicted that things were going to get a lot worse before they were going to get any better and I've been amazed at how prescient, how far-sighted his predictions turned out to be. A year before the 9-11 attack, William Pierce wrote a piece in which he predicted -- rather amazingly -- that there could very well be an attack on the World Trade Center. I think he wrote, "Well, if you're walking around lower Manhattan in New York, you'd better wear a hard hat because the World Trade Center, this big symbol of American financial power, could very well be attacked."
KAS: He also gave a general warning: "Stay out of tall buildings."
WEBER: "Stay out of tall buildings." That's pretty amazing! If the Bush administration officials had listened to Pierce more than someone else, they might have done something to prevent the 9-11 attack.
KAS: Well, as long as we have our freedom of speech, let's keep pressing for a greater awareness among our people, and hopefully that will bring a change in the world -- a change for the better. And I thank you, Mark, for all you're doing and all the Institute for Historical Review is doing to bring reason and truth to the people, and I thank you for being our guest on American Dissident Voices.
WEBER: Well, thank you again, Kevin. All the best to you.



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