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Racial Realities In Europe Contents



Chapter 6



ALPINIZED GERMANY

[America First Books Editor's Note: This chapter contains the following maps:
a) LANGUAGE MAP OF EUROPE]

 

MODERN Germany is the victim of a tragic delusion: the delusion of believing that she still is what she was in the past. The terrible spectacle of post-war Germany should teach people everywhere that exact knowledge and clear thinking on racial problems is a vital necessity, while ignorance or self-deception in such matters may mean a people's undoing.
Germany.'s fundamental mistake during the generation before the Great War lay in misreading history and perverting biology -- the science of race. On this basic error the Germans built up a gigantic delusion which in some sections of German public opinion came to amount almost to what insanity experts call a "mania of grandeur." That phrase just fits the extreme "Pan-German" propaganda so many German professors and publicists spread broadcast before and during the war, and which most Germans swallowed as gospel truth. Describing past glories as present realities and juggling racial facts to fit nationalistic hopes, these propagandists preached the doctrine that the modern Germans were a "chosen people," vastly superior to everybody else in every respect. The effect of this doctrine upon German public opinion was as dangerous as it was deplorable. Germans tended more and more to overrate themselves and to underrate their neighbors. Losing their sense of reality and proportion,


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anything that they keenly desired seemed to be within their power to attain.
Of course, Germany had no monopoly of such feelings. Pre-war Europe seethed with fanatical nationalist propagandas and imperialistic foreign policies: But. pre-war Germany seems to have evolved a peculiarly high flown jingoism, and to have mixed nationalistic and racial ideas into a specially explosive compound. One of the most hopeful aspects of the present situation is that post-war Germany appears to be getting into a much safer frame of mind. The old false doctrines are largely discredIted, while an influential body of scholars and popular writers are educating their public to a truer knowledge of race and history, emphasizing German shortcomings and preaching a frank facing of facts, no matter how distasteful these may be. Indeed, if this realistic movement continues at its present rate, the Germans may soon come to have a far clearer outlook than some of their neighbors, notably the French, who, as we observed in a previous article, to-day show a disregard for historic facts and racial truths which if continued will cost them dear.
Despite all that has been written about pre-war Germany's state of mind, its exact nature has seldom been realized and can be realized only by getting a clear idea of Germany's history together with the racial changes which have taken place in its population. No country has had a more checkered past than Germany, while few countries have undergone greater shifts in racial make-up. Unhappily for Germany, its history has been full of ill-fortune, while most of the racial changes that have occurred have been unfavorable ones. Even at the height of her power

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and prosperity in the period just before the late war, modern Germany occupied no such commanding position in Europe as had the Germany of a thousand years before. As for the modern German population, it cannot compare in quality with the population of former times. In her early days, Germany was inhabited by a very high-grade Nordic population. To-day, throughout the greater part of Germany, the tall, blond Nordics have been largely replaced by members of the thick-set, round-headed Alpine race, which ranks below the Nordic in both energy and intelligence. Furthermore, both the Nordic and Alpine elements in modern Germany seem to have been somewhat racially impoverished -- drained of many of their ablest strains owing to the misfortunes which have afflicted Germany at various times in her troubled history.
When Germany emerged into the light of history about 2,000 years ago, she appeared as a land of dense forest and marsh inhabited by a great number of tribes of pure Nordic blood. Such was the "Germania" of the Romans, and such were the original Germans or "Teutons." These early Germans were barbarians -- but "noble" barbarians. The Romans recognized the Germans as their most formidable foes. After suffering one or two terrible defeats among the German forests, Rome gave up all thought of conquering Germany, building elaborate fortifications manned by her best legions to keep the dreaded barbarians out of the empire. Even in their prime the Romans regarded the Germans with respect, not unmixed with fear. Tacitus and other Roman writers frankly praised the German's high qualities In Roman eyes this strange

 

 

 

LANGUAGE MAP OF EUROPE



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Teutonic northland, clothed with primeval forests peopled by huge blond giants pressing ever southward. out of the unknown, was an abode of mystery. Almost in awe, the Romans termed it "the womb of peoples."
Centuries passed. Rome declined; and the Nordic barbarians beat more and more fiercely upon the frontiers. Indeed Rome would have fallen much earlier, if she had not taken many Germans into her service. In Rome's last days her best legions and her ablest generals were chiefly of German blood. Yet even this clever policy could not avert ultimate ruin. Decayed to her very marrow, Rome finally col1apsed, and the German tribes swept all over western Europe. France, Italy, and Spain were alike engulfed by the Teutonic tide, while other Teutonic Nordics, going by sea, conquered Britain and made it "England."
For a time all western Europe was Nordicized. The leaders of the invading Nordics became the ruling-class, while their followers settled down on the land as yeoman farmers. The native Alpine and Mediterranean inhabitants of the former Roman provinces, greatly lessened in numbers were either reduced to serfdom or were driven into the remoter or less fertile regions. Even in Italy and Spain the Nordic conquerors must at first have formed a large percentage of the population, while France became mainly Nordic in blood.
Then began the long process of de-Nordicization which has gone on steadily till to-day. This ebbing of the Nordic tide first showed itself in Italy and Spain. Handicapped by too warm a climate for their northern constitutions and absorbed by intermarriage with the more

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numerous native populations, the Nordic element in Italy and Spain rapidly diminished, except among the upper classes, which, protected from field labor by their rank, and guarded against frequent intermarriage with the native masses by race-pride or caste laws, retained a larger proportion of Nordic blood.
AIl over Western Europe, however, the chief reason for Nordic decline seems to have been war -- the great scourge of the Nordic race. Energetic and warlike by nature, Nordics never fight so fiercely as when fighting each other. The faIl of Rome heralded a perfect welter of inter-Nordic wars. Overrunning Western Europe not as a united people but as independent tribes, the Teutonic invaders fought endlessly over the spoils, slaughtering each other whole-sale, and thus reducing their numbers as against the subject Alpine and Mediterranean populations, who took almost no part in the fighting and, therefore, increased in numerical strength.
Finally one of these Germanic tribes, the Franks, gained the ascendancy and, under a great leader, Charlemagne, temporarily united most of Western and Central Europe beneath his sway. Reviving the Imperial tradition, he assumed the title of Roman Emperor, and called his state the Roman Empire. Charlemagne's experiment is one of the most fascinating of historical "might-have-beens." If it had succeeded, a great new civilization might have arisen, Nordic in character and anticipating modern civilization by nearly a thousand years. The materials for a new civilization were there. The Nordic masters of Europe were no longer the rude barbarians who had overrun the decayed Roman Empire. They had shown their


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intelligence and capacity by the rapidity with which they had assimilated the remnants of classic civilization and were creatively adapting. it to their own temperaments and times. If peace and political stability could have been maintained, the germs of culture which were beginning to sprout would probably have soon come to brilliant bloom.
And as already remarked, the new civilization would have been essentially Nordic in character. Despite its "Latin" trappings, Nordic blood and the Nordic spirit were the driving forces in Charlemagne's Empire. This fact is too often misunderstood. The term "Roman" has a southern ring, while the name "Charlemagne" suggests a Latin-French personality. As a matter of fact, nothing could be further from the truth. "Charlemagne" is merely Old French for "Charles the Great." And Charles the Great was a Teutonic Nordic to the very marrow of his bones. This mighty monarch, with his blue eyes and long golden beard, spoke Old German and held his court at Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), a city of western Germany. His empire was a thoroughly Nordic creation.
Charlemagne's experiment, however, was not destined to endure. His successors did not inherit his greatness, and his empire rapidly fell to pieces, plunging Europe into the gloomy welter of the Dark Ages. The Teutonic Nordics not only continued to weaken each other by fratricidal wars, but became divided by such differences in language and culture that they lost practically all sense of racial solidarity. Hitherto, the Nordic conquerors of Western Europe had retained a certain kindred feeling. Fiercely though they quarreled, they had yet felt them-


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selves nearer to one another than to their Latin subjects, and they had been proud of their Teutonic customs, speech, and free ideals. Now, however, the Nordics of Western Europe, diminished in numbers and alienated from their eastern kinsmen by constant wars, adopted the language and culture of their subjects and thus became Latinized. Such was the germ of the modern French, Spanish, and Italian nationalities. This, however not only made henceforth impossible the creation of a great "Pan-Nordic" state and civilization like that foreshadowed in Charlemagne's Empire, but also hastened the declme of the Nordic element in Western Europe by breaking down. Nordic race-consciousness, and thus increasing intermarriage wIth the subject Alpine and Mediterranean elements.
Meanwhile the Nordics of Central Europe retained their language and racial consciousness, and began to build up a separate political organization which was the foreshadowing of German nationality. This nucleus of later Germany was almost purely Nordic in race, but its political frontiers differed widely from the borders of either the ancient Germania or modern Germany. The Germania of Roman times had included all of Central Europe north of the Rhine and the Danube; and had stretched. eastward through what is now Poland to Western Russia. The fall of Rome, however, had caused a great change in the situation. The Germanic tribes which had been piling up for centuries against the Roman frontiers along the Rhine and Danube burst over Europe like a damned-up flood set free. But this had left the Germanic homeland half depopulated, and into the half-


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empty territories came new peoples -- the Slavs. The Slavs were racially of Alpine stock. Their homeland was in Southeastern Europe, centering about the Carpathian Mountains. The westward migrations of the Teutonic Nordics gave the Slavs their opportunity, and they rapidly overran the whole eastern portion of ancient Germany.
These Slavs were very different folk from the Nordic Teutons. Almost pure Alpines in blood, they displayed typical Alpine race-qualities. For example, their occupation of Eastern Germany was not so much a conquest as an infiltration. Much less warlike than the Teutons, they entered Germany, not as large organized tribes but as loose hordes, settling here and there upon the lands which had been abandoned by the Teutonic tribes who had migrated into the Roman Empire. What gave the Slavs success was their vast numbers. There seems to have been comparatively little fighting between the two races. Like a slowly rising tide, the Slavs simply engulfed the remnants of the Teutonic inhabitants. The racial result was, however, none the less decisive, because Eastern Germany was transformed from a solidly Nordic into an almost solidly Alpine land. And for a long period this process went steadily on. In time the Slav tide flowed so far westward that it reached the line of the river Elbe. In other words, of the ancient Germania, only the extreme western portion lying between the rivers Elbe and Rhine remained Nordic in blood. This was the situation when Charlemagne united the Teutonic Nordics and founded his short-lived empire about the year 800 A. D.
When Charlemagne's Empire broke up and the Nordic

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elements of Western Europe became Latinized, the remaining Nordics who had retained their old language and racial consciousness began (as already remarked) to form a separate state of their own. Although they retained only that part of their German homeland which lay between the Rhine and the Elbe, they had become possessed of much former Roman soil. A broad band of territory west of the Rhine (including not only Germany's present Rhine provinces but also most of Belgium and much of Northern France) had been so thoroughly overrun at the fall of the Roman Empire that the old Latinized population had disappeared, replaced by the Teutonic invaders. Therefore, the inhabitants of these regions did not become Latinized like their kinsmen further west, but kept their Germanic speech and united politically with their eastern brethren. Such was the political grouping which was the nucleus of German nationality. Its frontiers were obviously very different from those of modern Germany; since it included much of what is now France, Belgium, and Holland, while on the other hand, it did not inc!ude Germany's present eastern provinces. It is precisely these wide shifts of frontiers at different periods which have caused so many of Germany's troubles.
However, this nucleus of modern Germany made a good start. Rapidly growing in power, it turned its attention chiefly eastward toward the lost homelands. A mighty movement of conquest and colonization began, known in German history as the Drang nach Osten -- "The March to the East." Falling upon the barbarous and ill-organized Slav tribes, the Germans rapidly conquered them and soon brought most of what is now known as Eastern Ger-

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many and Austria under their sway. Politically and culturally, these conquests were permanent. Racially, however, they were far from complete. The Slavs submitted to their German conquerors, who settled down as masters. The racial situation was thus like that in Western Europe after the fall of Rome. The Teutonic Nordics everywhere formed the ruling aristocracy. Also, the free peasants and the townsfolk were mostly Nordic in blood. As for the Slavs, reduced to serfdom, they adopted the German language and in time came to think of themselves as "Germans." But change of speech did not change their blood. Racially they remained what they .had always been -- Alpines. Thus Eastern Germany became what it still is -- a land of mixed racial stocks. At first, however, these stocks remained distinct. There was little intermarriage, the Teutonic Nordics looking down on the Alpine Slavs as an inferior race. Therefore, although Germany came to include many Alpine elements within its borders, the German spirit and culture long remained purely that of the ruIng Nordic stock.
So rapidly did this early Germany progress that it presently became the most powerful state in Europe. Indeed, it soon revived the memory of Charlemagne's Empire. Invading Italy, then in a condition of turbulent weakness, the German monarch had himself crowned at Rome, proclaiming his combined realms "The Holy Roman Empire."
This, however, was a fatal mistake. The annexation of Italy proved to be medieval Germany's undoing. Rapidly though Germany had grown, it still lacked political cohesion. If the early German monarchs had devoted

 

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their energies to that task, Germany might have become a unified nation which would have been the most powerful state in Europe and the centre of European civilization. Instead of this, the German rulers wasted their strength on imperial dreams and costly foreign adventures. Italy, in particular, was a never-ending drain. Continually rebelling against German rule, it had to be continually reconquered. In these expeditions the power of Germany was consumed. Time after time a German monarch would lead a glittering host across the Alps, fight his way to Rome, and there be crowned emperor. But to do this he usually had to bankrupt his treasury, while of the splendid knights and stalwart men-at-arms who followed his standard the majority would find Italian graves through battle or disease, comparatively few ever returning to their German homes. Meanwhile, back in Germany, ambitious nobles would be undermining the royal authority and building up their local power. As time passed, Germany fell into disunion and disorder. Instead of growing together, it fell apart. Outlying regions like Holland and Switzerland gradually ceased to feel themselves "German," and finally split off as independent states. The main body of Germany sank into a loose confederation troubled by endless domestic quarrels. Once more, as in Charlemagne's day, the Teutonic Nordics had lost their chance of political power and security.
However, despite its political shortcomings, mediaeval Germany produced a brilliant civilization. In numberless noble castles and fine cities, chivalrous knights and fair ladies, poets, thinkers, artists, and craftsmen combined to make a society of peculiar variety and charm. Mediaeval

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Germany was indeed rich in the fruits of the Nordic spirit. For it was the Nordic spirit which pulsed through this virile civilization. Germany was still mainly Nordic in blood, and this blood was mainly of high quality.
Then came the darkest time in Germany's history: the Thirty Years' War (1618 to 1648). This frightful catastrophe dealt Germany a blow from which she has never recovered. The Thirty Years' War was the climax of centuries of political disunion envenomed by religious fanaticism. It quickly developed into a horrible butchery in which the Germans slaughtered each other wholesale. For thirty long years the flower of the German race was sacrificed. As the war went on neighboring nations took a hand in the grim game and fought out their quarrels on German soil. 'When the war at last ended, Germany was completely ruined. Her civilization had been trampled into the mud and blood of her battle-fields while her racial stock was hideously mutilated. Germany had lost nearly two-thirds of her entire population. In some regions the loss of life was almost unbelievable: in Wuertemberg, for example, over nine-tenths of the population had perished, while the city of Berlin contained but 300 residents. And far more serious than the loss in numbers was the loss in quality. Perhaps never in the world's history has so much superior human stock been destroyed in so short a time. In those thirty years the German stock had been changed almost beyond recognition. Gone were nearly all those fine strains which had been Old Germany's strength and glory. This was particularly true of Germany's "gentle blood." The type that we call the "gentleman" had been numerous in mediaeval Germany.

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After the Thirty Years' War it was almost extinct in Germany, and is still comparatively rare. The tactlessness and lack of innate courtesy characteristic of modern Germans seems mainly due to this scarcity of "gentle" blood. When the Thirty Years' War was over, about all that was left alive in Germany was a brutalized soldiery and the toughest of the peasantry. It was this hard, coarse-grained remnant that sired modern Germany. The fact that so much intelligence and ability should nevertheless have been passed on to succeeding generations proves the soundness of Old Germany's human stock.
Besides a general lowering of quality, the Thirty Years' War produced marked changes in Germany's racial make¬up. The outstanding fact was a sweeping replacement of the Nordic by the Alpine element. In this, as in other wars, the fighting Nordics were the worst sufferers. Also, the post-war period continued the process of racial displacement. The Thirty Years' War was followed by a generation of squalid poverty. In these wretched conditions the Alpines, more stolid and coarser fibred than the Nordics and with lower living-standards, had a better chance of survival. The upshot was that when Germany emerged into better times she was racially much changed. Instead of being predominantly Nordic, as she had been hitherto, Germany had become mainly Alpine in blood. And the race-lines which were then laid down were substantially those which exist to-day. The Nordic elements of Southern and Eastern Germany had been largely destroyed, the peasantry being practically pure Alpines, while such Nordic blood as did remain was confined chiefly

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to the upper classes. Only in Northern Germany, particularly in the northwest (where the Slav tide had never penetrated), did the population remain essentially Nordic in type.
Another important point which should be noted is that it was during this period that there took place the extensive racial intermixture which characterizes modern Germany. Before the Thirty Years' War there seems to have been comparatively little intermarriage between Germany's racial stocks. The Alpines were mostly serfs bound to the soil, while the Nordics of all classes-nobles, burghers, and free peasants alike appear to have possessed a strong racial consciousness and pride of ancestry. Society in Old Germany was decidedly aristocratic, and intermarriage between classes was therefore relatively infrequent. The Thirty Years' War, however, shattered the old social fabric and greatly mixed the population. In time, to be sure, society re-formed; largely along racial lines, the superior intelligence and energy of Nordic blood rising naturally into the upper and middle social classes. But the old clearness of race-lines was blurred. Even the upper classes now contained much Alpine blood, while the general population, especially in Central Germany, became the mixed stock which it so evidently is today.
This general "Alpinization" of German blood produced corresponding changes in German ideals and institutions. The spirit of Old Germany had been a Nordic spirit. Its strong individualism and energetic originality in thought and action' was like that of other Nordic lands such as England and the Scandinavian nations.' After the Thirty Years' War, however, the German spirit became largely

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Alpine in character. The mass-nature of German public opinion, its reliance upon authority, and its submissiveness to strong, masterful minorities are all typically Alpine traits.
The Thirty Years' War is thus the key to a correct understanding of modern Germany. It is also the key which locks an iron door between modern Germany and its medieval past. Those two Germanys are profoundly different in character -- and unfortunately Old Germany was by far the superior. Modern Germany was born in the Thirty Years' War; its destiny was irrevocably determined in the fatal year 1618, more than three centuries ago, when Old Germany committed suicide. Thenceforth Germany's position in Europe was immensely weakened, while her future in the world at large was gravely compromised. For two centuries Germany remained a mere geographical expression, racked by internal disunion and preyed upon by ambitious neighbors. Not until the year 1871 did Germany attain political unity and gain a position of power and security comparable to that which she had enjoyed hundreds of years before.
The German Empire founded in 1871 was largely the work of a commanding personality -- Bismarck. Bismarck is a much misunderstood figure. Though often denounced as a brutal militarist, Bismarck was in reality a great statesman with keen vision and a firm grasp on realities. He knew that Germany needed above all things to consolidate her new-won unity. Realizing as he did the latent dangers of Germany's position, with no natural frontiers to east or west to guard against possible attack from France and Russia, he felt that Germany should be well-


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armed but he did not believe that Germany should engage in ambitious foreign policies. So long as he remained at the helm of the ship of state, German foreign policy was conservative, aiming chiefly at the maintenance of the then-existing European political situation.
Bismarck was forced from power by the young Emperor William II in the year 1890, and it is then that Imperial Germany began its policy of expansion which culminated in the Great War. However, we must be careful to understand the facts of the case if we are to get a clear idea of what actually occurred. The notion that in 1890 Germany deliberately began plotting the conquest of the world with Kaiser Wilhelm the arch-villain of the plot (as is still widely believed), is an absurdity of war-hysteria and propaganda. The truth of the matter is that Kaiser Wilhelm was a rather flighty personality, well-meaning but torn between romantic dreams of German greatness and common-sense warnings against the dangers which an expansive foreign policy might involve. Unfortunately, he kept the warnings well hidden but voiced his romantic dreams in flamboyant speeches which inflamed German ambitions and alarmed Germany's neighbors.
German public opinion was by this time getting into a mood which needed curbing rather than spurring. The chief reasons for this state of mind were intense patriotic exuberance and increasing economic prosperity. The attainment of political unity after centuries of disunion and weakness, and the sudden rise to a leading position in Europe, made Germans glow with pride and exultation. Patriotic optimism stressed the bright spots in Germany's past. The glories of Old Germany were acclaimed, while

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darker days were forgotten. All this was natural and might not have been harmful if Germany's leaders had kept their feet on the ground. Unhappily, Germany's rapid rise to power and prosperity swept most of Germany's spokesmen into the prevailing tide of boundless optimism. Germany's economic development, in particular, was truly extraordinary. In the forty-three years which elapsed between the founding of the German Empire and the outbreak of the Great War, Germany underwent a prodigious economic transformation, changing from a mainly agricultural country to one of the leading industrial nations of the world. This implied a vast increase in wealth and in population. In 1870 there were about 40,000,000 Germans; in 1914 there were nearly 70,000,000.
And this, in turn, produced a natural trend toward an expansive foreign policy. Germany, having become a "Great Power," aspired to a "place in the sun" proportionate to her new greatness. Unluckily for herself, Germany found her path blocked by grave difficulties. The hard fact was that Germany had come late into the game of empire. While she had lain disunited and impotent, other peoples had molded the course of world-history. Europe had crystallized into nations just as patriotically self-conscious as Germany herself, and some of these nations had staked out most of the desirable spots in other parts of the world as colonial domains which they were determined to retain. Germany was thus faced by a firmly established world-situation, and it should have been clear to her that any attempt to alter this general situation would inevitably alarm all the "satisfied" Powers and

 

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draw them together in mutual sympathy against the common disturber.
If, then, Germany was resolved to undertake an expensive foreign policy, her best course would have been to limit her ambitions to certain definite aims, concentrate on these, and try to avoid rousing the fears of all not directly concerned. Germany's obvious line of expansion was through Central Europe and the Balkans to the Near East. Here she could count on a powerful ally -- Austria, a country controlled by kindred German elements. Such a policy would, of course, imply the possibility of war with Russia, backed by France, who had never forgotten her defeat by Germany in 1870 and who had allied herself with Russia to obtain protection and possible revenge. However, in such a war Germany might hope to be victorious, provided France and Russia were not joined by England. And, though England would of course not relish a German domination of Central Europe, she might stay neutral if Germany did not threaten her more vital interests -- particularly her command of the sea. To placate England should, therefore, have been Germany's constant endeavor. Instead, Germany launched into an aggressive naval and colonial policy which alarmed England and drove her into the arms of France and Russia. Europe became an arena of rival ambitions and clashing foreign policies which culminated in the Great War -- and Germany's undoing. Handicapped from the start by too many foes, Germany made fresh enemies by her desperate war-measures', and finally went down in defeat and ruin. Weltmacht oder Niedergang -- "World-Power or Downfall!" had been Germany's furious battle-cry as

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she dashed herself upon her enemies' iron ring. And the answer was: Downfall!
This grim tragedy is too vast for petty causes. To lay Germany's blunders solely at the door of a handful of reckless militarists headed by the Kaiser (as is so often done) is nothing short of an absurdity. Germany's foreign policy could never have been carried on unless it had been approved or acquiesced in by the bulk of German public opinion. And pre-war Germany's state of mind dIsplayed a fanatical pride and self-confidence which had lost all sense of reality and proportion. Believing themselves to be far and away the greatest people on earth, the Germans had come to think that almost anything lay within their power of accomplishment. They were thus in a mood to take big risks.
That mood was induced, not merely by their present power and prosperity, but perhaps even more by a misreading of history and a perversion of racial truth. Gazing backward into the past, the Germans saw visions of that Old Germany which had been the leader of Europe and soon came to identify the "Holy Roman" with the modern German Empire. They did not stop to consider how times had changed; how other nations had developed, and how they themselves might differ from the Germans of former days. Here is where a genuine understanding of racial realities might have helped to clear their eyes, for it was during the closing years of the nineteenth century that knowledge of racial matters became definite and the importance of biology -- the science of race -- began to be appreciated.
Unhappily, this new science was, in Germany, quickly


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perverted into a weapon of jingo propaganda. A powerful group of national-imperialists, headed by popular writers like Houston Stewart Chamberlain, seized upon biology and prostituted it to their own ends. The Pan-Germans asserted that modern Germany is the seat of the tall, blond race which has been the moving spirit of Western civilization; that this modern Germany is racially almost purely Nordic; and that Nordics outside the German nationalistic group are either unconscious or renegade Teutons who should be brought into the German fold. To anyone who has good eyesight and a fair sense of humor, let alone any knowledge of history and racial realities, a single glance at the average modern German is enough to show the absurdity of these assertions. Humor has, however, never been an Alpine characteristic, so the Germans swallowed this propaganda wholesale, and came to think of themselves more and more as a Herrenvolk -- a "Master-Race."
The truth is, of course, that the Pan-Germans were thinking in terms of national-imperialism instead of race, and that they were using pseudo-racial arguments as camouflage for essentially political ends. Instead of being almost purely Nordic, modern Germany is predominantly Alpine in race. Probably not more than two-fifths of all the blood in Germany is Nordic, while unmixed Nordic blood is limited to the extreme north and northwestern parts of the country. It has been estimated that of the 70,000,000 inhabitants of the German Empire in the year 1914, only 9,000,000 were purely Nordic in type.
Indeed, one of the chief results of the late war has been a still further diminution of Germany's Nordic blood.

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The past decade has witnessed a drain on German vitality second only to that suffered in the Thirty Years' War. During the four war-years over 2,000,000 German soldiers were killed, ,arid at least 1,000,000 civilians died from war-time causes-especially starvation. Also, the great drop in the birth-rate during the war-period prevented fully 3,500,000 Germans from being born. Statistics for the post-war period indicate further heavy vital losses. The birth-rate though recovering is lower than before the war, the death-rate (particularly the infant death-rate) is higher, while disease is much more common. And all signs point to the fact that it is the Nordic portion of Germany's population that is suffering the heaviest losses. The late war like other wars took a disproportionate toll of Nordic life, while post-war economic and social conditions are less favorable to the Nordic than to the Alpine elements. The social classes hardest hit by the present deplorable financial situation are precisely those that contain the most Nordic blood. Everywhere it is upper and middle classes (particularly the professional and intellectual classes) who are ruined, half-starved, and unable to raise families. On the other hand, the racially mixed working classes of the cities and towns are generally speaking in less dire straits, while the mainly Alpine peasantry is relatively prosperous, well-fed, and raising plenty of children.
In fact, the same process is going on in Germany to-day that went on during and after the Thirty Years' War: a decline of the Nordic as compared to the Alpine stock, and an elimination of the more intellectual and cultured elements of both races in favor of those with tougher

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fibre and lower living standards, able to survive under hard and squalid conditions of life. These changes in the character of Germany's population are of far greater and more lasting significance than financial matters like the mark and reparations which engross most of the world's attention. I well remember a rather grim chat with a German industrialist when I was in Germany last year. We were discussing Germany's economic and social troubles. "You know," said he, "I'm fundamentally an optimist. - Things look pretty black, but in the long run they'll come better, because our people can stand anything. We Germans can take a lot of punishment; we're just too tough. to kill. A process of ruthless selection is now going on -- a brutal struggle in which the fittest to the new conditions will survive. There may be less `culture,' but there'll be more `guts.' The French are making a big miscalculation. They hope to break us; instead, they're getting us in trim. If they want to make us Germans a supremely tough people, they're going about it in just the right way." He was a large, thick-set man, with big teeth and a "hard-boiled" laugh. As I watched him, I thought that he was a very good type of the New Germany that he had in mind.
Whatever may be the final outcome, Germany's immediate prospects are troubled and uncertain. The Versailles Treaty imposed upon Germany conditions more drastic than any before laid upon a beaten nation in modern times. By the terms of the Versailles Treaty, Germany lost outright fully one-tenth of her pre-war area and population -- a loss of over 27,000 square miles of territory and more than 7,000,000 people. This involved


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the loss of much of her mineral wealth, especially iron and coal -- the sinews of industrial life. Besides, Germany lost all her colonies and many other things like shipping and wealth invested abroad. She was also assessed a tremendous war-indemnity. Lastly, she had to submit to a prolonged military occupation of much of her remaining territory by her late enemies and to general measures of supervision and control which restrict her sovereignty. In fact, Germany cannot to-day be considered an independent nation. This situation all Germans bitterly resent. Disarmed as they now are and surrounded by well-armed and watchful neighbors, few Germans believe that defiance of the Versailles settlement is now possible. Nevertheless, they consider the present situation intolerable, and they are determined sooner or later to recover full independence and a revision of the Versailles settlement in one way or another.
This determination will probably survive even fresh misfortunes. Whatever their shortcomings, the Germans are not decadent. On the contrary, they are an unusually tough combination of Alpine and Nordic stocks both racial elements having been rigorously selected by long periods of ill-fortune. Present-day Germany may lack much of the high-spirited individuality and initiative that old-time Nordic Germany displayed, but in return she has the Alpine's dogged tenacity and willingness to obey the commands of masterful ruling minorities. That was the secret of. Imperial Germany's disciplined power before and during the late war. The chances are that a similar regime in Germany will ultimately arise.

 


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