Thin Ice:
Jewish Power in a Changing World, Part 3
An interview with historian and thinker Mark Weber.
American Dissident Voices broadcast for April 2, 2006
by Kevin Alfred Strom
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WHEN A FOREIGN government -- a government which represents the
interests of another people -- can covertly control our government, the
results will be fatal for some of our citizens and tragic for us all.
The foreign government will use the resources of its captive state to
further the interests of the foreign people. It will not care if it
spends half or all of the treasure of its captive people to advance its
aims. The foreign government will not care if the sons and daughters of
the captive nation are slaughtered by the thousands, as long as the
interests of the foreign people are served.
That foreign government is Israel. The captive nation is the United
States of America. And here to talk about the issues surrounding Jewish
Zionist power, its trajectory in the near term, and its implications
for the long-term future is the Director of the Institute for
Historical Review, http://www.ihr.org, Mr. Mark Weber. When we left our discussion last week,
we were talking about the Zionist attempt to hypocritically use the
issue of Iran's nuclear program as a pretext for war. Let's rejoin that
discussion now.
WEBER: The larger problem really is this: The United States is saying that Iran cannot develop even a peaceful nuclear program, but the United States sanctions and even supports the development of nuclear weapons programs in Iran's neighbors Israel, Pakistan, and India. From the Iranian point of view, it would be foolish not to have a nuclear program. On one side of Iran is Afghanistan, which is
occupied by the United States -- a nuclear power. Another of Iran's
neighbors is Pakistan, which has developed nuclear weapons. On the
other side of Iran is Iraq, which is occupied by the United States,
which, again, has nuclear weapons. And of course, Iran's biggest
adversary is Israel, which has a nuclear arsenal that has been estimated at two hundred weapons.
KAS: So do you believe that Iran is indeed aiming at developing nuclear weapons?
WEBER: My guess is no better than anyone else's; I don't
have any special insight. All Iran is asking for is the right to
develop a peaceful nuclear energy program, which is their right under international law and under the treaties that they've signed.
KAS: It seemed very hypocritical to me to see George Bush
condemning Iran for its nuclear development efforts just after
returning from what I would describe as a love-fest with India and Pakistan, both nuclear powers in the region.
WEBER: I would agree. After India and Pakistan first
detonated nuclear weapons, the United States imposed an embargo and
sanctions on those two countries for a while. That's all been forgotten
now, which is another reason why leaders around the world think that
the lesson to be drawn from the United States' actions is that once you
actually get the weapons, the United States will back down and shut up.
That's the pattern that our government has shown over the years. Once a
country actually has nuclear weapons, the United States seems to accept
it, even in countries it wishes it didn't have such weapons, such as Pakistan and China.
KAS: What are our chances for averting a wider war in the Middle East?
WEBER: When a patient has an illness, it's important that
the doctor correctly diagnose the problem. In our society it's
important that as many Americans as possible correctly diagnose the
problem that we have. The root cause of these wars is the Jewish and
Zionist grip on our policy.
Recently a major new study was released by an important think tank that underscored once again the
fact that American Middle East policy is firmly in the grip of what
they call the Israel lobby, but which would more accurately be called
the Jewish-Zionist lobby.
As long as our foreign policy and our political life are in this
Jewish-Zionist grip, wars and conflict of this sort will continue,
because it's in the interests of this lobby -- and in the interests of
Israel -- to foment such conflicts in that part of the world. This is
against the interests of not only our people, but of the entire rest of
the world, except for Israel. That's why around the world there was
universal opposition to the war against Iraq. Some governments went
along with it, but the only country where the population supported the
war was Israel, and a war against Iran would have no popular support
except in Israel.
As long as this Jewish-Zionist grip on our foreign policy remains,
we're not going to avoid these kinds of wars and conflicts. So
addressing that problem and increasing public awareness about it is
absolutely a task of the first order. Until that's done, we're just
going to continue to have these tremendous problems.
KAS: Can you tell us the name of the think tank that issued the report on Jewish power?
WEBER: The John F. Kennedy School of Government. The report
was issued by two professors, one at the University of Chicago and one
at Harvard University. A summary of it appears in the London Review of Books, and we'll have it posted on our Web site. It's entitled The Israel Lobby, and it starts out by saying:
"For the past several decades and especially since the Six-Day War
in 1967, the centerpiece of U.S. Middle Eastern policy has been its
relationship with Israel." It goes on to say, "�the thrust of U.S.
policy in the region derives almost entirely from domestic politics,
and especially the activities of the 'Israel lobby.' Other special
interest groups have managed to skew U.S. foreign policy, but no lobby
has managed to divert it as far from what the national interest would
suggest, while simultaneously convincing Americans that U.S. interests
and those of the other country -- in this case, Israel -- are
essentially identical."
This paper underscores and emphasizes points that we've made over
and over again, and that the world understands. A summary of the report
reads as follows:
"The centerpiece of U.S. policy is the intimate relationship with
Israel. Though often justified as reflecting shared strategic interests
or compelling moral imperatives, the U.S. commitment to Israel is due
primarily to the activities of the Israel lobby. This paper describes
the various activities that pro-Israel groups have undertaken in order
to shift U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction."
A summary of this very enlightening report also appears in the latest issue of the London Review of Books.
Now the sad fact and the sad reality is that our political leaders know
this, of course, but it's precisely because of the power of this Israel
lobby that they just do not speak out. This can't be emphasized enough.
Right after the invasion of Iraq Senator Hollings of South Carolina
stated publicly and repeatedly that everyone in Washington in any
position to know what's going on understands that the Iraq war was
carried out first and foremost to secure Israeli interests, but
Congress is too cowardly and too corrupt to publicly acknowledge the
fact.
Only individuals like Senator Hollings, whose term was coming to an
end, have been able and willing to speak out publicly about it. Reports
like this one by Professors Mearsheimer and Walt just confirm what any
thoughtful, careful student of the subject understands, and that is
that our Middle Eastern policy -- and our foreign policy generally --
is beholden to Jewish and Zionist interests. Until that grip on our
policy is broken we will be subjected to war after war in the Middle
East to prop up a country -- Israel -- whose existence is precarious
and unnatural.
KAS: It appears to me that there is a growing informed
minority that is aware of the toxicity of Jewish power in the West.
However, it also seems to me that, just as you say, many of these
people are afraid to speak out. What is going to be the lever? -- what
is it that we must do to activate the people who have this knowledge,
but are afraid to act upon it?
WEBER: I think all of us are doing a good job, but events themselves must and will bring this home to the American public.
I have said many times that it's very difficult to predict the
future more than a year or two in advance. Almost no one accurately
predicts how things will be ten years in the future. Or to put it
another way, looking back at how things were ten or twenty years ago,
we can see that the world is very different now. In recent years we've
seen the overthrow of the Shah and the rise of Iran, the end of the
Soviet Union and of Communist rule in eastern Europe. We've seen
dramatic changes that -- in case after case -- were not predicted by
the so-called experts, and I think we're going to see some very dramatic changes in the next several years here in our own country.
With those changes will come an explosion, I think, of awareness
about these problems. I'm very gratified to note -- and this has been a
trend I've observed for several years now -- that when I speak to a
general radio public or a general audience about these issues, the
reaction is very different than it was just a few years ago.
Jewish-Zionist power and the dangerous role that it plays in our
society is now understood in a way that it wasn't just a few years ago.
I find that when I speak as a guest on radio talk shows, the callers
overwhelmingly agree with and accept the truthfulness of these
observations, and that the only objections come from either Jewish
callers or from a very small minority of people who have just convinced
themselves that whatever the President says is correct.
Something is changing very dramatically in America, and everywhere
I see this kind of awareness growing. Another way to view this is that
any thinking person who feels a sense of responsibility for our country can see that the direction that we're going in now is
fraught with immense peril. There are very, very grave warning signs on
the road, and, although our economy still cranks along, America is
certainly not the country it was ten or twenty years ago, and this is
more and more obvious to more and more people. All these developments
are basically very positive ones, and we have to do everything in our
power to open people's eyes, not so much with the expectation that we
can compete on a one-for-one basis with the media that are in the
control of our enemies, but more with a view to reaching thoughtful
people who care about their own future, the future of their country,
and of their children -- who will become the leaders who will be making
the important decisions in the years ahead.
Something is really changing in America and around the world. We're
coming to the end of the postwar era and of the model of the United
States that persisted for so many years. We see this all over the
world. In Europe there's a major crisis now over the direction to be
followed with regard to the immigration policy that they've had over
the years. Europe doesn't know what to do now about this very great
issue. Similarly, there's a growing sense of unease here in this
country -- a feeling that we cannot continue going in this direction,
but very few people yet know what to do to deal with these problems in
a conscientious way.
KAS: Well, I will say this: When the peoples of Europe and
North America and people around the world begin caring about their
future and the future of their nation with the same intensity and the
same devotion of time and resources that the Jews have invested their
people's future, then I think we will see a re-ordering of the world.
WEBER: In a normal society, people expect that their
political leaders should look out for their long-term and best
interests and that they are in fact doing so. Unfortunately, because
our leaders have failed so abysmally to defend even our short-term
interests -- to say nothing of our long-term interests as a nation --
it's absolutely necessary that more individual Americans take on that
responsibility themselves.
There's been an abject breakdown of responsibility on the part of
our leaders, but it's unusual and in reality artificial for most people
to worry about these things. Most people try to live their lives taking
care of their own immediate problems, such as making sure their family
lives are good -- and that's why they rely on their political leaders
to represent their interests. Expecting George W. Bush,
however, or the leadership of the Democratic Party, to carry out
policies that are in the long-term best interests of our country or the
world is just absolutely fanciful; it's not going to happen.
KAS: That's where the informed minority comes in, or at
least a minority that may become a majority of will and determination,
because I don't think it's ever been numerical majorities that have
actually made history.
WEBER: You're right; that's never been the case. A
determined minority is always able to have a much greater impact on
events than an inert, or passive, majority. That's the main reason why
a group of people who make up only two per cent of the population in
this country have the tremendous impact and influence they do. Jews
have immense power and influence in America because they have a very
strong sense of their identity and of their group interests.
The vast majority of Americans have been encouraged and trained to
think of themselves only as individuals. Any group of people whose
members think of themselves only as individuals is unable to implement
policies that represent their long-term collective interests. That's
the problem we're facing now in this country.
KAS: Yes, such atomized groups usually disappear from history fairly quickly.
Mark, I want to thank you for all of your efforts to provide the
world with a window on the truths of history. I want to thank you for
your efforts to avert a wider war and to bring peace to the world --
and a new paradigm to the world that will make long-term peace
possible. And I also want to thank you for the excellence of your
efforts and for being a guest on American Dissident Voices.
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