IDEOLOGY
AND ETHICS SURVEY
Additional Commentary
and References
| 30. |
Should we
treat the U.S. Constitution like a secular state
religion? |
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A strong centralization.viewpoint: |
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A strong decentralization.viewpoint: |
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We require religious patriotic
feeling |
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Constitution originally a contract between |
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for this document to bind the nation |
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states, never meant to be a religion |
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Since government officials take a holy |
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Since created, all the worst fears
of the |
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vow we can trust them to self-police. |
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anti-Federalists have been fulfilled |
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Supreme Court "high priests" required |
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The real sinew are Anglo-Saxon indigen- |
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to interpret mysteries of government |
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ous roots. When they go, it is just
paper |
Sample argument (authoritarian)
view: The Civil War proved
to us that we can no longer trust white people to handle
their own affairs like adults on a local level. After
all, one third of the white population (white Southerners)
decided to go their own way in 1861. They inevitably
required a bloody "correction" for their
unacceptable attitudes towards States rights, slavery,
the Federal Government, and other issues. This proved
that henceforward we require a special staff of learned
wise men in Washington, backed by a powerful, interventionist
Federal bureaucracy and military, to hold perpetual "Sunday
School" for their unruly Southern white "children" and
other Americans. Our leaders must now enlighten us
with correct new interpretations of the Constitution
that redefine our relationship to big government, Israel,
corporatism, global interventionism, special privileges
for minorities, and other issues. With a firm hand,
they must be prepared to correct us with domestic military
intervention if we threaten to break our required religious
devotion to their new interpretations of our holy document.
A soft light emanating from the National Archives Building
radiates forth and fills our leader's minds with wisdom
and their hearts with empathy for their subjects. We
can trust them to provide adequate checks, balances,
and restraints on power solely within the
context of their own government. We can trust that
Federal activism and interventionism can only mean
Camelot rather than fascism. We can trust that globalism
and multiracialism are an inevitable wave of the future,
therefore we require our government high priests to
help us adapt to this inevitability. We also understand
that Southern whites were denied voting rights during
the Reconstruction era because all men are literally
equal before this new revealed state religion, and
their legislatures had to be delivered into the hands
of former black slaves to really make the point.
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. . . |
Sample argument (libertarian)
view: Even George Washington, an
authoritarian-leaning Federalist, claimed that
the document was the result of "unawed" adoption
based upon full investigation and deliberation.
Anti-Federalist
Patrick
Henry opposed
it before the Virginia legislature, claiming that
it "squinted towards monarchy" compared
to the Articles of Confederation. Most Americans
at the time preferred the Articles of Confederation
and believed the Federal government must be kept
weaker than the state governments to prevent it
from growing like a cancer. In the long run, it
is much better to experience separatism than to
risk fascism. All the worst fears of Patrick Henry
have since become a reality. For example, Abraham
Lincoln, who told us that the Constitution should
become the supreme religion of the land, proceeded
to run roughshod over the Tenth Amendment that
reserves rights to the states by brutally invading
the South. In addition, the U.S. Supreme Court
has repeatedly usurped Congress by making ridiculous
interpretations of the Constitution's commerce
and general welfare clauses in order to create
new law and micro-manage the legal affairs of states
with brazen Federal interventions. The Constitution
has become an authoritarian magic totem, where
a President can swear allegiance to it one moment,
and then circumvent Congress by embroiling America
in costly foreign wars the next. Many Americans
believe that this country can absorb exotic peoples
from all over the world, and if we can only get
them swear allegiance to this document, they will
make a contribution and become just as assimilable
as WASPs who created America in the early 1800's.
This ignores the fact that an important way to
avoid authoritarian government is to insure that
people have strong ethnic, racial, and cultural
commonalities on a grass roots level in order to
maintain common standards at a lower level without
relying on central government interventionism.
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ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY:
Even if one believes in treating the U.S. Constitution
like a secular state religion, one must still ask hard questions
about which particular denomination and priesthood of this
religion one should adhere to. Should one embrace the "Constitution" as
interpreted by the Supreme Court today, or adhere to a very
different animal which was intended by its original creators?
I recommend The Politically
Incorrect Guide to the U.S Constitution by
Kevin R. C Gutzman, J.D., Ph.D. In
his Introduction he claims that his
book "shows how we went from
the Constitution's republican federal
government, with it very limited
powers, to an unrepublican judgeocracy
with limitless powers." He
observes:
In recent decades, numerous judges -- particularly
the Platonic guardians on the Supreme Court -- have undertaken
to use the Constitution as a blank check allowing them
to write into American law their own ideas of "the
evolving standards of decency that marked the progress
of a maturing society," as Chief Justice Earl Warren
put it in Trop v. Dulles (1958). Note the allusion to Darwin's
theory of evolution here: if the judges' conceptions of
decency differ from those of all their predecessors, then
today's judges must be superior to their predecessors,
because they have "evolved" with their "maturing" society.
And of course, if the judges' ideas differ from those of
the majority of the electorate, that only shows how much
further the judges have evolved and how superior they really
are...
...For a century now, instruction in American
law schools has focused on the "case method." Prospective
lawyers do not study the continental, English, and colonial
antecedents of the federal Constitution. Neither do they
read the records of the Philadelphia Convention of 1787,
where the Constitution was written, or the ratification
debates that led to its implementation. Instead, they imbibe
the latest opinions on constitutional matters from the
courts, and particularly from the Supreme Court. Those
opinions, and not the Constitution's text as understood
by the people when they ratified it, are what law schools
teach as "constitutional law."
Dr. Gutzman explains the history regarding
how the Constitution has been completely high jacked away
from the intent and interpretations of its original creators.
This is certainly a very important topic. In addition,
if one shares the libertarian views of someone like Congressman
Ron Paul, we could probably eliminate most of the evil
incrustations of arrogant, overreaching Big Government
simply by adhering to the Constitution as it was originally
intended.
However, I would be remiss not to mention an even deeper level
of social and political analysis. Here, we ask (as did the
anti-Federalists in Thomas Jefferson's era) why America even
needed the Constitution to begin with as a replacement for
the Articles of Confederation. We can dig deeper yet by trying
to analyze defects in the Articles of Confederation.
Finally, we can also get down to the ultimate question about
why the former thirteen colonies ever needed a perpetual Articles
of Confederation or Constitution to begin with. After all,
there have been a number of countries such as England and Iceland
that have enjoyed prolonged periods of parliamentary government
and protection of civil liberties without written constitutions.
Societies that have a homogeneous population with strong ethnic
culture and folk legal tradition can often rule themselves
without resorting to the legality of a "Constitution." The
creation of a written Constitution can actually be a negative social
indicator for at least three reasons:
a) It can imply that a society is drifting
away from ethnic homogeneity and deeply shared racial,
cultural, and historical roots and is increasingly relying
on "legality" to try to hold an increasingly
diverse society together. An extreme example would include
a situation where business owners
import alien peoples
as low
cost
or slave labor. They typically rationalize that
they can make these aliens "just as good" as
their own people by indoctrinating them with legalistic
documents
like a
Constitution. In this context, a constitution becomes a
social crutch and cop out for greedy businessmen who are
diluting the character of their own society for all future
generations so that they can make some quick near term
profits.
The dilution problem has already proven itself
very serious in instances where whites have become outnumbered
by Mexican "stealth immigrants,"
who
proceed to vote whites out of power in their locality and
install in their place oppressive, corrupt, anti-white
Marxist-socialist governments. As another example, the
Jewish invasion of New York City and other American power
centers
in the
late
19th
century
has already repeatedly shown its extremely serious ramifications,
such as through the creation of the corrupt, privately
owned Federal Reserve central bank in 1913, the promulgation
of the Balfour
Declaration that sucked America into World War I, Jewish
use of America
as a springboard to help organize and finance
the
Bolshevik
Revolution,
and more recently the JFK
assassination, the likely central involvement
of the Mossad in the 9-11 attacks, and the
highjacking America's military machine into continuous
needless war in Afghanistan
and Iraq.
No, my dear little Virginia, they do not necessarily
learn how to act like real "Americans" simply
by studying the Constitution in
school.
b) It can imply that a formerly sovereign
people is in the process of giving
up important sovereignty rights as
it amalgamates
itself with other former sovereign peoples to form a quasi-empire,
and they feel that they now need something more formal like
a written constitution to help protect their rights. Maybe
giving up full sovereignty rights is not such smart idea
to begin with.
In the Constitution of 1787, the states gave
up a number of former sovereignty rights that they had
enjoyed on a de facto level as former colonies, such as
the right to separately engage in military campaigns or
to restrict commerce and the flow of people across their
borders with each other. Dr Thomas E. Woods, Jr. explains
this in more detail in his
Mises Institute lectures on
colonial
America. As some examples, in the 1750's certain colonies
refused to render military resistance to other colonies.
On three separate occasions in colonial history, the colonies
refused to form a centralized government in North America
for fear of their losing local autonomy. Lastly, the colonies
had instances where they restricted the flow of people
from neighboring colonies. In one instance, Puritan-descended
residents of Massachusetts prohibited Quakers from Pennsylvania
from entering their colony on pain of death. This was mostly
for religious reasons.
c) It can be motivated by war, imperial strategies, or the
interest of certain ruling elites rather than what is in the
long term best interest of the people. The Articles of Confederation
were motivated by the need of the thirteen colonies to provide
a united front during the War of Independence. According to
Dr Murray Rothbard, an important motivation of the Federalists
in holding the secretive Philadelphia convention of 1787 was
to create a more powerful, central government to guarantee
the repayment of all the Revolutionary War debt owed by different
states to bankers. In addition, George Washington and other
Federalists had extensive land holdings west of the Appalachians,
and knew that a stronger Federal government might more rapidly
open the west for expansion.
The online article "A
Short History of The Constitution For The United States,
The Federal Convention
and The Creation of the U.S. Constitution,
How It All Started . . . " contains important
insights into the mercantile underpinnings of the
Constitutional Convention.
. . . The precise total of the combined
state debts is unknown, owing to the slipshod character
of the
records,
but it was around twenty millions of dollars... say,
seventy millions for both continental and state debts.
This sum
of seventy millions represents only the funded obligations,
represented by certificates, or bonds. Besides, there
was the enormous volume of continental paper currency,
which
went down and down until it became entirely worthless
and passed out of sight. More than two hundred million
dollars
of it has been issued. Very little of it was ever redeemed,
on any terms.
The holders of the certificates, or interest-bearing
obligations, considered them of small worth; they might
be bought readily
at prices ranging from one-sixth to one-twentieth of
their face value. But, suppose a powerful national government
could be put in place of the Confederation... a government
in complete control of tariffs and indirect taxation.
Let
us suppose further that it could be done so quietly and
so secretly that men with money would be able to buy
up this whole mass of depreciated paper before its holders,
principally ex-soldiers and very ordinary people, realized
the import of the new authority. Then the next step would
be a large fiscal operation by which the new and strong
government would assume the entire volume of obligations,
both state and continental.
In a short time these depreciated certificates would
rise to par. Golden dream! A dream it was... but, as
the virile,
go-getting magazines tell us, there are men who make
their dreams come true. The men behind the Constitution
made theirs come true, to their great profit...
. . .Land speculation and money-lending were among the
economic interests of at least thirty-eight of the delegates,
including Washington, Franklin, Gerry, Gorham and Wilson.
Of the fifty-five delegates Dr. Beard says that the names
of forty appear on the records of the Treasury Department
as holders of public certificates.
The Convention was singularly lacking in doctrinaires,
in idealists. Jefferson, the great idealist and humanitarian
of the epoch, was in France as the official representative
of the government. It was also lacking in a spirit of
inquiry. One would naturally think that a body of men
engaged in a constructive work of such immense possibilities
would summon before them, day after day, citizens of
all degrees and from all sections, in an effort to find
out what was wrong and what was required to set it right.
But they did not do this; they never summoned anybody.
To have done so might have revealed the purport of the
Convention, and they could not risk that contingency.
The Constitution was planned like a coup d'etat; and
that was its effect, in truth. . .
. . .One of the most significant facts about Washington's
long and distinguished career is that he never formulated
any coherent theory of government. Hamilton and Jefferson
both worked out distinctly articulated systems of politics.
Each stood for a definite, cogent set of ideas of social
structure. But there is nothing in the body of American
political thought that we can call Washingtonism.
At first impression his political character appears
utterly nebulous. His writings are a vast Milky Way of
hazy thoughts. We turn their thousands of pages, marking
sentences and paragraphs here and there, hoping to assemble
them and build up a substantial theory of the common
weal. Can it be that this huge aggregation of words has
no impressive import? We are about to think so; however,
when we study them in detail we find that his observations
are sensible, sane and practical. Yet, somehow, they
do not coalesce; they lack a fundamental idea, a spirit
that binds them all together. That was our first conclusion,
but then we were thinking in terms of the great philosophies...
of Rousseau, of Locke, of Adam Smith, of Voltaire, of
Ricardo. Later, one day, we thought of the mind of the
large city banker, and we saw Washington's political
personality in a flash of revelation. Washington thought
as almost any able banker who might find himself in the
eighteenth century would think. The banker stands for
stability, and Washington was for that. The banker stands
for law and order, for land and mortgages, for substantial
assets -- and Washington believed in them, too. The banker
wants the nation to be prosperous; by that he means that
he wants poor people to have plenty of work and wealthy
people to have plenty of profits. That was Washington's
ideal .. .
Gary North covers other conflicts of interests
behind the creation of the 1787 in his free online ebook Conspiracy
in Philadelphia. Please recollect that the convention
was originally called to simply make proposals to amend
the Articles of Confederation. The people who held the
conference proceeded to close the doors and conduct a secret
meeting that in fact usurped the original scope of their
meeting. Dr Rothbard claimed that the Federalists played
dirty by using their control of the post office to hold
up the mail of anti-Federalists, who reflected the majority
American sentiment at the time, to help push through through
their new proposed Constitution.
Dr. Thomas J. DiLorenzo argues in his
Mises Institute lectures that the "Federalists" in
actuality sought to install an American version of the British
mercantilist system (ie.
tending towards centralization, imperialism, and a central
bank) in America, hence the creation of the U.S. Constitution
to replace the Articles of Confederation comprised as "Second
American Revolution" that was not necessarily for the
better.
In my centralization
vs decentralization article, I describe the "right of exit" concept
explained by Dr. Ralph Raico, and why Dr. Murray Rothbard
felt that the thirteen former colonies may have been better
off retaining full sovereignty rights and organized under
a very loose compact or federation structure rather than
falling in line under the stronger central government of
the Constitution.
Dr. Ralph Raico, in his lectures on classical
liberalism, believes that the fragmentation of Europe in
the Middle Ages following the collapse of Rome was a good
thing for the cause of liberty, because it preserved for
people the right of exit to deter tyranny. With more countries
competing against each, it was easier when things soured
in a particular country for people to move to another country
with better laws and tax policies. This put pressure on
rulers to refrain from tyranny in order to retain productive
people.
Dr. Murray Rothbard believed that if North America had divided
itself into numerous independent countries, the wars that might
have followed would have likely been relatively small and highly
localized. In contrast, while united in megastates, Americans
and Canadians have been sucked into very expensive large-scale
wars overseas. Dr. Rothbard pointed out that it did not make
sense that Americans would fight to save the union in order
to save America from future internal wars when the price tag
of 640,000 people killed seemed to be far greater than the
likely costs of all the future wars in the next century that
unionists were ostensibly trying to avoid in the first place.
In regard to entering World War I, a divided North America
would have been less likely to have overwhelming gone over
to either side. In fact, there is strong evidence that if America
had stayed out of World War I, the European combatants would
have declared an armistice by 1917 rather than fight on for
nearly two more extremely bloody years. Prolonging the war
cost millions more lives and vastly more treasure. It created
the onerous Versailles Treaty peace terms and conditions of
total exhaustion that encouraged the rise of Bolshevism, Nazism,
and Fascism, and ultimately the resumption of World War I in
the form of World War II.
Contrary to the Unionist argument that if North America divided
into many independent countries, that they would all be fighting
with each other, we might consider cases where the opposite
is true. Many small Scandinavian countries and many small central
European countries such as Switzerland and Liechtenstein have
enjoyed very long periods of peace. Many German principalities
during the late Middle Ages when Germany was highly fragmented
also enjoyed relatively long periods of peace. The same was
true for quite a few provinces of France and Italy which enjoyed
high degrees of autonomy for many centuries up until around
the 19th century.
It is very important to note that the right
of exit applies not only on an individual level regarding
the state, but also in regard to individual states and
the federal government.
True federalism, as envisioned by Thomas
Jefferson, George Mason, and other individuals known to
be "anti-Federalists" in early America (they actually called
themselves "republicans"), meant a system where the
federal government had to be kept weaker than
the
state
governments
in order to preserve liberty. In his Kentucky Resolutions
of 1798, penned in opposition to the Alien and Sedition
and Act promulgated by President by John Adams, Thomas
Jefferson stated that the right of a state to exit the
union was
one of the most important rights required to keep the federal
government in check and preserve individual liberty.
Dr. Murray Rothbard observed that the concept of "checks
and balances" that entails competition between the executive,
legislative, and judiciary branches of the government is
inadequate. While each branch might serve to check the
power of each towards the other, there is still the
possibility that all three federal branches might grow themselves
together relative to the country and the states. After
all, government and its bureaucracy have a tendency to
grow on their own accord without being held in check. Therefore,
according to Dr. Rothbard, Thomas Jefferson was correct
that the only really effective deterrent against unlimited
federal growth was the right once held by states to secede
All of this is based on a very contractual view of government.
If the government fails to perform its end of the bargain,
the both the individual citizen and each of the states
has the right to punish the government by exiting the system
or
exercising
the
right
of revolution.
At the other extreme of the Federalist vs. anti-Federalist
spectrum, we see many historical instances of American
leaders who have promoted a very duty-based interpretation
of the
Constitution.
They want American citizens to treat the Constitution
as if
it were some kind of religious scripture beyond criticism.
Americans must bow and worship it regardless of how badly
they are treated by the Federal government. Needless
to say, this is a highly authoritarian view of the Constitution.
One example involves
Abraham Lincoln's address before
the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois, in
Jan 27, 1837. Please note how he described the
Constitution as the "political religion of the
land." Laws should become dogma. His talk reads more
like an exhorting Church sermon rather than a political
analysis:
Let every American, every lover of liberty, every
well-wisher to his posterity swear by the blood of the
Revolution
never to violate in the least particular the laws of the
country,
and never to tolerate their violation by others. As the
patriots
of seventy-six did to the support of the Declaration of
Independence, so to the support of the Constitution and
laws let
every American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred
honor. Let every man remember that to violate the law is
to
trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the charter
of
his own and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the
laws
be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe
that
prattles on her lap; let it be taught in schools, in seminaries,
and in colleges; let it be written in primers, spelling
books,
and in almanacs; let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed
in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice.
And, in
short, let it become the political religion of the nation;
and
let the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the grave
and
the gay of all sexes and tongues and colors and conditions,
sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars.
I would invite the reader to consider the
King
Lincoln archive at lewrockwell.com and the works of
Dr Thomas DiLorenzo, who explains how Lincoln was one of
the greatest centralizers in American history. Not surprisingly,
the same individual
who called
for
the
Constitution to become the "political religion of
the nation" that justifies unceasing sacrifice upon
its alters would later brutally unite an empire by conducting
the armed invasion of the South. This ultimately ended the
last
effective check against unlimited federal growth, and the
federal government has grown in size and power like a cancer
ever since.
Critics of the anti-Federalist
perspective claim that America
in the 1780's under the Articles of Confederation was a
mess. A good online example is the article "A
Short History of The Constitution For The United States: The
Federal Convention and The Creation
of the U.S. Constitution, How It All Started . . . " This
article talks about how New York City levied tariffs
on New Jersey and Connecticut farmers. It describes
Shay's rebellion by disgruntled Revolutionary soldiers
in Massachusetts. There was also an episode in June 1788
where eighty soldiers
mutinied at Lancaster, Pennsylvania,
marched
on
Philadelphia
to appear in front of the State House where Congress
was in session, and caused Congress to flee to Princeton,
New Jersey. The article also observes that:
The Confederation was a failure, but commerce
and finance were riding on the crest of the wave. The close
of the war had found the small farmers, as a class, in
acute poverty. By taking advantage of the economic needs
of these producers the money-holding groups in the coast
cities had been able to get a tight financial grip on almost
the whole of the producing class. There were counties in
which nearly every acre was under mortgage at high rates
of interest. Usury and profit molded themselves into large
fortunes. The splendor of business began to shine.
The discontent of the common people was
snapping at the heels of these primitive money kings.
In every legislature
there were proposals to repudiate debts, to issue floods
of paper money, to impair the value of contracts. In
Rhode Island the debtors captured the legislative machinery
of
the state, and repudiated virtually everything. They
made paper money a legal tender and forced merchants
and mortgage-holders
to take it. Capital in that little state became so unsafe
that it got out as quickly as it could. The "shameful
conduct" of Rhode Island was a topic at teas and
in counting-houses from New Hampshire to Georgia. It
was the
general opinion that something ought to be done about
it. The law books were thumbed, and spectacles rested
on learned
noses. It appeared that nothing could be done under the
Articles of Confederation. Rhode Island was a free state
and could act as she pleased.
In his Mises Institute lectures (available
online as MP3 files), Dr Murray Rothbard responded
to many of these kinds of allegations. First, massive
spending for war tends to distort the
economy under any kind of regime. The U.S. Government
especially distorted the economy during the Revolution
by inflating its fiat currency, called the "Continental," into
oblivion (hence the phrase "not worth a Continental").
Usually after massive inflationary episodes, economies
under any kind
of government (be they centralized or decentralized)
tend to undergo painful readjustments as they clear out
bad
debt and major mal investment. According to Rothbard,
Federalist newspapers unfairly blamed the recession of
the mid-1780's on the Articles of Confederation as propaganda
to promote
the more centralized Constitution, when the underlying
economic causes of the problems had very little to do
with the degree of centralization of the Federal government. In
fact, Americans had defeated one of the two most powerful
empires on earth (with help from the other powerful empire
--France) under while the Articles of Confederation,
so it was very misleading
to suggest
that
under this
compact Americans were ineffective.
Secondly, if Revolutionary soldiers were rebelling
because they felt they were cheated out of
their pay, this was ultimately
a moral issue involving the way the state handles existing
obligations, and not necessarily a centralization vs
decentralization
issue
involving
the
federal government.
Making a government more centralized does not necessarily
make it more moral. In fact, over the long run, steadily
increasing centralization tends to make make government
even more immoral, to the extent that power corrupts,
and absolute power corrupts absolutely (in the words
of the famous British classical liberal historian Lord
Acton). Furthermore, many
Revolutionary soldiers were so underpaid and impoverished
as a result of their military service that they lost
their farms to creditors. Far from being irresponsible
hooligans and brigands promoting some kind of social
anarchy, they had perfectly
legitimate
reasons to be angry and engage in public demonstrations. Creating
a more centralized government to better be able to
forcefully suppress their expression of grievances was
in fact more
dangerous
than
their public
protest and militancy in itself.
Third, if Rhode Island was a creditor's nightmare,
that was the problem of creditors who lent to people
in Rhode Island, and not other Americans.
These creditors knew when they loaned money to people
in Rhode Island during
the
Revolutionary
War
that
there was a risk that the colonies could lose the war,
or that if they did in fact win, that certain state governments
might be run by rogues. There was never any moral obligation
by people in other states to step in and create a more
centralized government under the Constitution to guarantee
Rhode Island's debt. In fact, by stepping in and creating
a more centralized government that assumed the debt of
all the states, one might argue that Americans inadvertently
set the grounds for the massive moral hazard we see today.
For example, when bankers created
S & L crisis of the late 1980's, the bankers were
typically able to walk away with their generous salaries
and
golden parachute options. It was the taxpayer who lost
hundreds of billions of dollars making the bailout. As
another example, through its continuing inflationary
policies, the privately owned banking cartel call the
Federal Reserve
continuous engages in taxation without representation
(inflation is a hidden form of taxation, and closed door
meetings to set inflation rates are a form of taxation
without representation). The reason why we continue to
experience major inflation and bank fiascos is because
there is very little downside risk for bankers when they
screw up, since it is always the taxpayer who is forced
to make a last ditch bailout. This is indeed a very serious
moral hazard that could only exist under our centralized
federal government.
Witnessing rebellion by Revolutionary soldiers was embarrassing,
to be sure, and having Connecticut and New Jersey farmers
pay tariffs at the New York State border may have seemed
inconvenient,
but let us look by comparison at the "blessings" we
receive today after nearly a century and a half of supposedly
ever wiser, ever more munificent centralized government
following the Abraham Lincoln dictatorship during the
War Against
Southern Independence.
Back in the 1780's, American's paid
less than 5-10% of their income in taxes. In fact, up
until the War
Against
Southern Independence, this remained the norm. The Federal
Government itself consumed less than 5% of GDP. Today,
total taxes (federal, state, excise, etc) comprise about
50% of the average American's income, and total government
expenditures as a percent of GDP are somewhere close
to 40-50% as well.
In addition, let us consider the "protective
services" rendered by our imperial neo-Jacobin
global welfare-warfare super state. Roughly 116,000
Americans were needlessly expended in World
War I, followed
by over 300,000
who got killed in the World War II. (I believe
that if America had stayed out of WWI, the exhausted
Allied and Central powers would have sued for peace
by 1917, avoided the onerous Treaty of Versailles,
and also
would have avoided the social conditions that led to
WWII). It is likely that hundreds of thousands of veterans
of the unnecessary Gulf Wars I and II will die premature
deaths from depleted uranium exposure. Last, but not
least,
our imperial
federal government refuses
to protect our border with Mexico, causing tens of
millions of whites
to be displaced by endless hordes of illegal immigrants. To
put it bluntly, our imperial federal government
does a magnificent job of serving the Jewish Lobby,
Israel, and other special interests,
and does a perfectly lousy job of protecting the direct
interests of the America's dwindling white middle class
within each state
of the union.
Americans had prospered for over 160 years in the colonial
period when each colony frequently acted like an independent
country, to include issuing their own money, levying
their own tariffs at their own borders, and dispatching
their own military expeditions. They were happy enough
with their situation
that they
resisted on three separate occasions in the colonial
era efforts to create a consolidated government in
North America. Why
did the
independence of the states suddenly have to become
such a big problem
in the 1780's?
Let us remember Dr. Ralph Raico's concept of the right
of exit. One reason why taxes remained low during the
colonial period, and also the period of western expansion
of the early 19th century, is that if a colony or state
started to raise its taxes too high, its most productive
people could easily go somewhere else. However, following
the Lincoln dictatorship, big bankers, media moguls,
pork politicians, and bureaucratic parasites began to
feel their monopoly power. As a consequence, they have
stuck it to American taxpayers ever since.
If America were to decentralize, and Dr. Raico's theory
proves correct, we might see a dramatic reduction in
taxes as well as a major decrease in wasteful foreign
imperial wars.
So perhaps we might the phrase the question this way:
If your taxes could be reduced from 50% down to 5-10%
would you be willing to pay a little bit more for farmer's
goods imported from another state? Would you be willing
to brake at your state border and spend a little time
at a customs station, knowing that this might correlate
not only with lower overall taxes, but also better efforts
to stem
the
inflow
of illegal immigrants, and the outflow of skilled jobs
and industry to Third World countries?
Lastly, which
is worse, reading about how certain disgruntled
veterans brandished weapons by state buildings
in the 1780's, or seeing tens of thousands of people
in
our "modern era" get
needlessly
expended in foreign wars fought for Israel, New York-based
bankers, and other alien special interests?
Speaking personally, if this is what the real political
deal in America ultimately entails, then I would prefer
decentralization. Driving across state borders anywhere
in
North America,
such as from Washington state to Oregon, or from North
Carolina to Virginia, I would gladly brake for Oregon
and Virginia if we can drop the taxes of fellow Americans
by 80-90%. The mess brought to us by our highly centralized,
imperial
government envisioned by Tom Chittum in Civil
War Two: The Coming Breakup of America totally
dwarfs whatever crises Americans suffered under the
Articles of Confederation. I might add that as embarrassing
as
Rhode Island's situation was in the 1780's, it was
child's play compared to ugliness of the extreme corruption
of
America's centralized power structure we see today
described by Michael Collins Piper in Final
Judgment or by Col Donn de Grand Pre in Viper's
Venom.
Return to question
30
Proceed to survey
results
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